The Eisenhower administration was caught off guard when Sherman Adams, Eisenhower`s chief of staff, thought an agreement had been reached with Bricker to postpone the introduction of his amendment until the administration had investigated the matter. “Bricker hoped to force the new government,” Duane Tananbaum wrote.  George E. Reedy, adviser to Texas Senate Minority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, said popular support for the measure “made it clear from the outset that it could not be rejected by a direct vote. No one could vote against the Bricker Amendment with impunity, and very few could vote against it and survive at all. There was no hope of stopping it through direct resistance.  Johnson told his adviser Bobby Baker that this was “the worst law I can imagine” and that “it will be the curse of every president we elect.”  In recent decades, U.S. presidents have often concluded international agreements without the advice and approval of the Senate. These are called “executive agreements”.
Although they have not been submitted to the Senate for approval, executive agreements are still binding on the parties under international law. The U.S. Constitution provides that the President “has the power to enter into treaties by and with the counsel and consent of the Senate, provided that two-thirds of the senators present agree” (Article II, Section 2). Treaties are binding agreements between nations and are part of international law. Treaties involving the United States also have the power of federal legislation and are part of what the Constitution calls “the highest law in the land.” Two other cases frequently cited by supporters of the amendment both concerned the recognition of the Soviet government by the Roosevelt administration in 1933. During the recognition of the USSR, letters were exchanged with the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Maxim Litvinov, to settle the claims between the two countries in an agreement that was neither sent nor ratified by the Senate. In United States v. Belmont, the constitutionality of executive agreements has been reviewed by the Supreme Court.  Justice George Sutherland, writing for the majority, upheld the president`s power, noting that after the Lodge committee added many “reservations” and treaty changes, the frustrated president took his campaign to the nation. During a tour across the country in October 1919, he suffered a physical depression that further clouded his political judgment. Woodrow Wilson receives the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to achieve lasting peace after the First World War.
As for the relationship between the legislative and executive branches, the Washington administration has set institutional precedents that have been pursued with such consistency over the centuries that they now dominate our understanding of Article II. For the uninitiated reader, one might think that the treaty clause implies that treaties are the only instrument authorized to formalize the nation`s international obligations, or that the Senate, because of its role as “counsel and consent,” would be a full partner of presidents in negotiating treaties. This is not the case either. The Washington and Adams administrations used executive agreements without Senate approval, both to arrange international mail delivery and to settle claims arising from the seizure of a U.S. ship by a Dutch privateer. Such agreements, sometimes pursued unilaterally and sometimes with legal authority, now go far beyond treaties as instruments of international engagement. With respect to treaties themselves, when the Senate did not immediately advise Washington on the peace negotiations between Georgia and the Creek Indians, the Senate established the now uniform practice of submitting to the Senate for approval only treaties that have already been concluded. Mr President, I do not know whether we are proposing to oblige Cuba to adopt a constitution with such an addendum in the form of an amendment or a regulation, or whether we are making a proposal for a treaty to Cuba. In the 82nd Congress, Senator Bricker introduced the first version of his amendment, S.J. Res. 102, written by Bricker and his associates. The American Bar Association was still investigating the question of how to prevent the abuse of “contract law” when Bricker introduced his resolution on July 17, 1951, without the participation of the ABA, but the senator immediately wanted to start a debate on an issue he considered vital.
 Bricker did not attempt to overturn the Yalta agreement, contrary to the goals of some of his Conservative colleagues; He was very concerned about what might be done by the United Nations or under an executive agreement.  A second proposal, H.J. Res 130, was introduced by Bricker on February 7, 1952, with fifty-eight co-sponsors, including all Republicans except Eugene Millikin of Colorado.  Four days later, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee passed the first of many amendments to the treaty – the lifting of the allocation of the Shantung Peninsula to Japan and its return to Chinese control. .